Revised October 31 21, 2017: A New and Better Confederacy.
Totalitarian centralization being the chief sickness of modern governments, the term Confederacy as used here signals a remedy for what ails society today, having to do with the decentralized nature of the Old South and not at all with slavery or racism. Here being invoked the central power-distributive mainspring of a free and productive state under an updated Southern flag, in the reappearance of men jealous of economic, cultural and political prerogatives and privileges of the locales they in ruddy fashion personify in some way: which captures indeed the essential spirit of the Old South. This keynote of personal familiarity and trust being the most essential element of the age-old distributive mode, with such sanguine figures being the only possibly barriers in the way of endless numbers of personal-liberty crushing, ultra-centralizing, synagogue-sponsored Napoleons of our day.
Hence signaled in the reestablishment of the Confederacy is a resolute departure from a system steadily become totalitarian in the extreme: brainwashing, deliriously-"patriotic" politicos, commentators and newscaster notwithstanding. And although as noted race has absolutely nothing to do with this new idea of a Confederacy, yet its promulgation would, by default more than direct policy, see the speedy dispatch of the all-points
Hence would the New and Better Confederacy be modeled on the central principle of distributism, one whereby "the smallest possible organizational unit is recognized as rightly possessing the greatest possible agency over those things which naturally fall under its purview". Providing a system in which each family or micro-neighborhood is conceived-of within its own realms as a sturdy, animated, if mutually-interdependent reality, without today's host of case-workers, counselors, code-enforcers and inspectors, its powers only limited by larger concerns of the common good: in a political-philosophy of a mutual-benefit whose agents or powers becomes more and more circumscribed, rarified and abstract as they ascend stairs of regional to national scope. Becoming en-route for most purposes less and less direct or determinative, and more-and-more consultative, with each mounting step. The New Confederacy having a close ancestor in the old, displaying that kind of reasonable larger power to wit which is utterly lacking in the U.S. Government today, which disregards man's native dignity and that of his most beloved and famliar groups, being consumed with the signature Jewish desire, self-declared fanatical calling, to control every detail of man's daily and personal life. This indeed the dream of a controlling world synagogue, of which the USA is today's prime tool, as were England or Prussia in the past, whose whole Yiddish theology is obsessed with denigrating all humanity other than themselves as being "goyim", or less than human. Biblical "other men" thought brazenly governable as if they were so many despicable colonies of ants, or kennels of dogs.
Thus, briefly, would the new Confederacy see the restoration of a nobility and a monarchy, a configuration whose spirit the Old South meant to keep intact in many ways: potent, fabled figures who alone, as the sad story of the old Confederacy so dolefully proves, can secure the state against the inroads of evil and grasping men. With the whole inevitably partaking in the dash and romance of a hundred J.E.B Stuarts, Stonewall Jacksons, Longstreets or Beauregards. Yet in our distributive system assemblies would nonetheless meet at all levels, largely to negotiate charters of rights, duties and privileges in candid communications with noble figures above, in a consultative orientation which was the chief characteristic of political life in medieval England or France. And the denial of which jealously-guarded prerogatives, including in major ways any decisions regarding the waging of war, readily brought on bouts of revolt or civil war: like that of Simon deMontfort in thirteenth century England, the culmination of a struggle against a string of absolutist monarchs, a stark synagogue-aided anomaly coming some four centuries before their time. Yet ascending levels of noted types of medieval cortes, "hundred" or county chamber were mostly strangers to notorious modern-day propensities of such bodies toward becoming mere mouthpieces of secretive interests that rule silently from on high, in all case through venal persuasions and intrigues, sweet-talkers such as hold our Congress in rigid thrall. Medieval Catholic systems having manned and orchestrated by persons extensively familiar to one another, so that the advent of some theatrical, control-bent scoundrel was an exceedingly difficult thing to achieve.
Thus let no one dare say that today's corrupt and coercive systems are "all we can hope for", citing the well-worn and constantly plied maxim that government is the "art of the possible": readily giving way to the lowest common denominator of cynicism and wrong. Because then we blaspheme God, accusing Him of having saddled mankind with such a treacherous "monkey on the back", such a deadly necessity. Yet alas, such forthright articles as this inevitably call forth legions of bible-thumpers, odd bedfellows to above-noted political cynics, expostulating with rabid fervor about man's "sole necessity" of "believing on Him" (Christ), without any real need to do anything good. Good government to these "pious" people thus being the chief among hated "good works", with blameless deeds, of all things, allegedly being condemned by St. Paul. The "born again" thus departing like a skyrocket from perennial convictions of mortal man of all persuasions since Adam and Eve, with supreme verbal economy relieving the Christian, said to be a creature-all-his-own, of any need for he or his institutions to be any much good at all. These divines alleging sternly if in a deafening economy of words that rape and mayhem are the proper lot of our race, whatever realms or offices we ply. Here indeed being the genealogy of the all-points American national sickness analyzed here, in staggering incongruity both radically-secularist and an unitary welding-together of church and state, stemming directly from the "faith without works" heresies of the sixteenth-century revolt against Catholic Rome, in ferment with uniquely-fanatical zeal on the Colonial east coast. Yet such cockle isn't really sown by Christians at all, for "an enemy has done this": the ever treacherous and perfidious synagogue, the immemorial lavish sponsor of deadly heresies and inevitable subsequent revolutions and civil disorders of every stripe.
But returning to those assemblies to be met with in the New Confederacy: for their very free existence a vigilant and powerful nobility is essentially required, preventing them for one thing from being taken over by ever-busy big-money-sponsored moles: those in particular before whom our country presently lies in miserable thrall. While over the top of ranging orders of secular authority and organization there must be a royal family to hold it all together: a throne whose power according to noted power-distributive principles would in fact be the most abstract and circumscribed of all, being largely moral, coordinational and consultative in character, rather than mostly command-oriented, as our disgustingly-falsified collegiate history establishment so often inaccurately portrays. The medieval-model of an organically-conceived throne being utterly unconcerne with frustrating local liberties, which historically tended to reinforce royal prerogatives rather than weaken them, the king having enough to contend with in his own rarified, limited but considerable sphere. As in those wonderfully-spare and trim royal administrations of old whose private good above all was basically identical and coterminous with that of the people, and not substantially tied to any one interest, region or group. His main hostile contenders indeed chiefly being highly-secretive special interests, marshalled inevitably by synagogue lucre and intrigue, enemies of the people at least as much as foes of himself. Even as finally under this new and medieval Confederacy, all immovably ruled under the Law of God, its only "constitution", if no doubt a system which at least initially would require some sort of looseknit pact among confederate states, the humblest reaches of human existence would once again find that strong voice which their nature, "made in the image and likeness of God", should display: this in the marvelous epiphany which the state was indeed designed most powerfully to procure. Namely in an approximate restoration of the medieval Frankpledge: a ten-head-of-household all-purpose legal, cultural, economic and political building-block. A unit-of-authority which admittedly would have to formulate its own renewed identity in contemporary terms, while retaining its traditional "hew and cry" law-enforcement functions in ruddy form. In our own model with each frankpledge sending a representative to the next-higher such assembly, the hundred, a holder-of-court over small claims, petty crimes, small fines, and so on, and other practical legal matters quite small. Being perfectly acquainted with persons and colloquial issues typically involved. ( A far cry from present dominant "at large" elections, with equally-non-representative equivalents of every kind, by which we are delivered under the control of special judicial and other interests hostile-to- or unacquainted-with local visions and needs). These hundred units thereafter, in an upwardly-climbing trellis, sending one man to sit at a higher and broader such council, no doubt most typically of the nimble number of ten, with these mounting upward to a state ten-man chamber to negotiate larger matters with the king or some noble figure in charge, lower in power and honor only to the monarch himself. Here being a system which at either end, noble or assembly-of-commoners, cannot tolerate "shortcuts", to make things "more speedy and/or convenient", but must hash and hammer out things into the wee hours of the night, must never be satisfied until the humblest or grandest, the most pressing or most incidental, of practical human needs is earnestly sought to be achieved.
Over all these units of organization and authority, as noted above, the law of God would form the only "Constitution": at first perhaps only in major outlines of the natural law as written in fleshy letter on the human heart and mind, as understand to varying degrees of clarity by all mankind since the dawn of time. While further commonly-agreed-upon specificities of this divinely-modeled understanding-of-law would be fixed upon in due time, in a country like ours which has so long known the intelletual and organizational ravages of heresies of the most egregious kind. As the alternative offered by modern liberal democracy is to hold the elite-controlled assembly to be the actually maker of law: releasing thereby upon mankind a tyranny which knows no bounds, which crosses hitherto intractable dimensions, which would make of certain men a law and a god unto themselves.
Thus do we take up the flag of the old Southern Confederacy, upheld on either side by Jesus and Mary, eventually no doubt by popular choice to be emblazened with the image of the two Sacred Hearts of the same Jesus and Mary, the sovereign models of our race: not to re-enkindle old flames of slavery or racism but rather to give each race, nationality and region its long-neglected due: with commercial and industrial viability, the very practical soul of political independence for any person, race or locality, being by law and custom freed of every possible restraint. Even as a traditional form of money would again be minted, alike locally, privately and in official national and regional forms, "backed" by no bonds or any other such larcenous device but only by the economic vigor of the system itself, its safe and secure roads, harbors, rivers and sea-lanes, with due severe punishment for counterfeiting to be supplied. All the while as suggested the nefarious excluding of people by race from any public or commercial facilities would still be considered a crime, even as above-noted over-blown polar schemes of initiative-stultifying all-points integration would be left to die on the vine, starved of any nourishment from the official badge or till. And unwanted invasions of alien music and behavior, often-enough harmless in their own proper idiom, would likewise thereby be harmlessly excluded, letting inoffensive nature take full sway, permitting no one's sense of perfectly-natural self-identification, the driver of so many good and ebullient things, be diluted to any serious degree.
Another way in which the new Confederacy will model the old will be in its agrarian orientation, and equally importantly its medieval understanding of land: the latter by contrast having been speculated-with as if it were mere chattel under the radical Jacobin, pseudo-legal theories of capitalism of the past two centuries and more. Hence will its present-day dominion by corporate entities be reassessed and title in many cases be denied, of assets and properties in any case loudly claimed to be defined under vocal sanctimonies of "public ownership", thus opening up a bountiful new field of vigorously-productive land-and-resource use, in place of the morbid system of elite-enriching rent-farming and cow-milking which our economy has so plainly become: oceans of catchy and sanctimonious slogans and maxims notwithstanding. As wealth and its myriad sources must by the nature of things be intensely and familiarly worked and monitored by many stake-holding parties, else it quickly go into greedy and all-controlling hands: land in particular receiving just distributive allocation only in this exhaustive and personalized way. This personally and locationally elaborated or iterated idea of a political system indeed being the central practical truth upon which the coming polity will be based, with land however to be held in the immemorial manner of men. Namely not as fee simple but as liege to lord: with the king the ultimate "owner" of the land, holding it in trust in turn to God alone, in honor to same, for benefit of those he leads. Not again as if he commands an army which can summarily dispossess, imposing a "sweet whim" at will. Although a large or small noble landholder who grossly abuses his trust could indeed be summarily dismissed from his charge, in a form of government in which the common good is rigidly upheld, not excluding its manifestation in the use of real property, where its absence, as today, is so bruisingly felt by the common man. Thus would a certain longed-for stability-in-property, even for the humblest of workers or peasants, be maintained, if anything much more solidly than at present prevails: as history indeed attests of the holds of vassals and small-holders for centuries on end in prior days. This even as formal allodial deed-of-title in almost all cases did not actually obtain. Yet there would be added as suggested the timeless and once-universal, hardly "socialist", understanding of land as in all cases having a social purpose as well, in this departing decidedly from personal properties of a chattel kind. With land thus understood as entirely unusable in any way seriously detrimental to the national or neighborhood wellbeing, or lawful prerogatives of the guy next door. With this one caveat seeming to have been the only limit set to a land-use for the medieval phenomenally free, multiplier-prolific, raw-materials-shepherding and -utilizing, and so on.
Finally, most peculiar to the Jewish pseudo-eschatology under which we all unwillingly live is the notion of sacrifice gone in search of a victim: as a host of false-flag operations and other grizzly deeds so bloodily reveal. The Jews having so notoriously rejected the Victim provided by God. Hence in modern life there is this continual notion that some familiar thing has to be sacrificed for something allegedly better, or at least more "advanced": with the latter one of those once-scarcely-known adjectives which not by accident have pushed aside all others of a more noble kind, having come to utterly dominate modern writing and speech. For the Jewish savior is universally thought-of as a coming arrival which they feel required to impose on all others, in signature cryptic fashion not at all for our benefit, but strictly for that of the Jews. Or more typically as some further development of a deified Jewish identity. The concept being rife and institutionally superimposed that we are rapidly progressing to purely-material phases of science, technique, manufacture, medicine, and so on, toward some future glorious but purely material plateau. Albeit one somehow said to be destined to limitlessly "free" the human soul. (In view of such an inherent futurism, together with a 90%-plus Jewish leadership worldwide, does not the synagogue origin of dialectical materialism, in other words, both polite and bomb-throwing Communism, seem evident beyond debate?) Hence too this fantasy that nothing from out of the past is to be kept, indeed that it is a kind of act of treason against the modern totalitarian pseudo-state to hold old things dear. Although our very identity as viable actors is found in customs and traditions from out of our past, while a surrender to this open-ended idea of a future-determined existence is manifestly to throw our freedom to the wind, to surrender ourselves to a bevy of doctors, scientists and engineers, to do with us and especially with our offsprings what they wish. Of course, always "for our own good". Therefore will the New Confederacy love and cherish every good thing from out of the past, and foster materially every simpler and less-technical way of doing things, preferring where possible the use of herbs and barks over modern medical science, an old Allis-Chalmers WC-3 tractor to the million-dollar monster-machines, with their droves of government-dole welfare-recipient farmers, that plow and harvest fields today.